Warriors vs. Journalists, Obama vs. Truth

(4 pm. – promoted by ek hornbeck)

This past week, several stories appeared which indicate the degree to which true investigative reporting about US efforts in the Global War on Terror is at odds with the desires of the Obama administration and the lengths to which the administration will go to create their preferred narrative and suppress reporting that fails to fit.  At the same time, the President and other administration officials have made public statements, unsupported by documentation, that they refuse for alleged “national security reasons” to release to the ACLU and journalists.

This diary will continue some of the themes developed in a previous diary, President Obama’s Propaganda Wars regarding the Obama administration’s attempts to “dominate the information spectrum.”

The stories this week suggest that sometimes in the Global War on Terror, it’s a matter of getting the images correct.  If the action is popular, we get, “Engaged-Commander-in-Chief-sweating-the-details Obama.”  If the action is controversial, or perhaps questionably legal, we get “Spectator Obama,” watching the action from the stands along with everybody else.

obama cic or spectator lg

Let’s start with what looks like pure propaganda.  This past week an article appeared in the Washington Post about the CIA’s “dronemaster.” The article presents a man who converted to Islam as the “chief architect” and “driving force” of the Obama administration’s targeted assassination program:

For every cloud of smoke that follows a CIA drone strike in Pakistan, dozens of smaller plumes can be traced to a gaunt figure standing in a courtyard near the center of the agency’s Langley campus in Virginia.

The man with the nicotine habit is in his late 50s, with stubble on his face and the dark-suited wardrobe of an undertaker. As chief of the CIA’s Counterterrorism Center for the past six years, he has functioned in a funereal capacity for al-Qaeda.

Roger, which is the first name of his cover identity, may be the most consequential but least visible national security official in Washington – the principal architect of the CIA’s drone campaign and the leader of the hunt for Osama bin Laden. In many ways, he has also been the driving force of the Obama administration’s embrace of targeted killing as a centerpiece of its counterterrorism efforts.

This article goes to great lengths to impress us with “Roger’s” capacity as the guy running the drone assassination campaigns from the CIA; it’s one corpulent, chain-smoking, irascible man’s war against his co-religionists, apparently.

One might wonder what happened to the secret panel which was a subset of the National Security Council that “several current and former officials” and the top Democrat on the House Intelligence Committee, Representative Dutch Ruppersberger, described to Reuters:

The process involves “going through the National Security Council, then it eventually goes to the president, but the National Security Council does the investigation, they have lawyers, they review, they look at the situation, you have input from the military, and also, we make sure that we follow international law,” Ruppersberger said.

Perhaps the disappearance of the group has something to do with this (also from the Reuters article):

Several officials said that when Awlaki became the first American put on the target list, Obama was not required personally to approve the targeting of a person. But one official said Obama would be notified of the principals’ decision. If he objected, the decision would be nullified, the official said.

A former official said one of the reasons for making senior officials principally responsible for nominating Americans for the target list was to “protect” the president.

I guess getting those controversial decisions out of the White House entirely and over to Langley really helps “protect the president” even better.

If one didn’t know better, one might say that this looks like one of those stories that get planted in the media by manipulative governments to change a narrative.  Of course the US would never do that.  It would be unprecedented.  The Obama administration would never stand for that; Mr. Obama would demand accountability.  Pffffttt!

To add further ironic quality to the appearance of this story in the Washington Post, it seems reasonable to  assume that the CIA has made its super-duper secret, targeted killing program public knowledge by cooperating with the creation of this article and has allowed its undercover agent who allegedly “single-handedly” runs the program to speak to a Washington Post reporter.  At the same time the Obama administration is fighting an ACLU FOIA request and the CIA is trying to get it thrown out of court on the basis that it cannot confirm any details about the program because it would compromise national security!  Go figure!

Glenn Greenwald describes the situation in this report:

Numerous Obama officials – including the President himself and the CIA Director – have repeatedly boasted in public about this very program. Obama recently hailed the CIA drone program by claiming that “we are very careful in terms of how it’s been applied,” and added that it is “a targeted, focused effort at people who are on a list of active terrorists, who are trying to go in and harm Americans, hit American facilities, American bases and so on.” Obama has told playful jokes about the same drone program. Former CIA Director and current Defense Secretary Leon Panetta also likes to tell cute little jokes about CIA Predator drones, and then proclaimed in December that the drone program has “been very effective at undermining al Qaeda and their ability to plan those kinds of attacks.” Just two weeks ago, Attorney General Eric Holder gave a speech purporting to legally justify these same drone attacks.

So Obama officials are eager to publicly tout the supposed benefits of the CIA’s drone programs in order to generate political gain for the President: to make him look like some sort of Tough, Brave Warrior single-handedly vanquishing Al Qaeda. The President himself boasts about how tightly controlled, precise and effective the CIA drones are. Everyone in the world knows the CIA has a drone program. It is openly discussed everywhere, certainly including the multiple Muslim countries where the drones routinely create piles of corpses, and by top U.S. Government officials themselves.

But then when it comes time to test the accuracy of their public claims by requesting the most basic information about what is done and how execution targets are selected, and when it comes time to ask courts to adjudicate its legality, then suddenly National Security imperatives prevent the government even from confirming or denying the existence of the program: the very same program they’ve been publicly boasting and joking about. As the ACLU’s Jameel Jaffer put it after Obama publicly defended the program: “At this point, the only consequence of pretending that it’s a secret program is that the courts don’t play a role in overseeing it” – that, and ensuring that any facts that contradict these public claims remain concealed.

While when Mr. Obama promised to have “the most transparent administration ever,” it seems a fair bet that he did not mean for transparency to be the result of the artlessly guileful manner in which requests for corroborative facts for the administration’s public pronouncements are handled, this however, is what seems to be happening.  The current record seems to show that Mr. Obama’s administration will go to great lengths to retain control of information and the “official narrative” of events.  The administration seems all too eager to place their carefully chosen information into the hands of embedded reporters who can be trusted to present an approved narrative in return for access to sources and stories.

This past week there was also an interesting story about the obstacles and dangers government creates for those reporters who do independent reporting and sometimes report inconvenient truths.  Chris Hedges at Truthdig has updates about a lawsuit brought Hedges, Noam Chomsky and other journalist and activist plaintiffs against President Barack Obama and Secretary of Defense Leon Pannetta  seeking to have the NDAA, also known as the Homeland Battlefield Bill, declared unconstitutional.  Hedges reports on his recent deposition given to government lawyers who are trying to decide whether they will challenge his standing to bring the case.  Hedges describes the reason for his legal action:

The NDAA implodes our most cherished constitutional protections. It permits the military to function on U.S. soil as a civilian law enforcement agency. It authorizes the executive branch to order the military to selectively suspend due process and habeas corpus for citizens. The law can be used to detain people deemed threats to national security, including dissidents whose rights were once protected under the First Amendment, and hold them until what is termed “the end of the hostilities.” Even the name itself-the Homeland Battlefield Bill-suggests the totalitarian concept that endless war has to be waged within “the homeland” against internal enemies as well as foreign enemies. …

The 2001 Authorization to Use Military Force Act, the employment of the Espionage Act by the Obama White House against six suspected whistle-blowers and leakers, and the Homeland Battlefield Bill have crippled the work of investigative reporters in every major newsroom in the country. Government sources that once provided information to counter official narratives and lies have largely severed contact with the press. They are acutely aware that there is no longer any legal protection for those who dissent or who expose the crimes of state. The NDAA threw in a new and dangerous component that permits the government not only to silence journalists but imprison them and deny them due process because they “substantially supported” terrorist groups or “associated forces.”

This Guardian article points out the the Obama administration’s denial that the law doesn’t broadly apply to civilians :

Controversy centres on the loose definition of key words in the bill, in particular who might be “associated forces” of the law’s named terrorist groups al-Qaida and the Taliban and what “substantial support” to those groups might get defined as. Whereas White House officials have denied the wording extends any sort of blanket coverage to civilians, rather than active enemy combatants, or actions involved in free speech, some civil rights experts have said the lack of precise definition leaves it open to massive potential abuse.

Unfortunately, the Supreme Court in its 2010 decision in Holder v Humanitarian Law Project, has already ruled a slightly less vague wording, “material support,” to mean that many kinds of speech and actions that one might instinctively think are protected by the First Amendment, according to the ruling, are not.  As the Center for Constitutional Rights, which argued the suit explains:

The decision marks the first time that the Supreme Court has held that the First Amendment permits Congress to make pure speech advocating lawful, nonviolent activity-human rights advocacy and peacemaking-a crime. Doing so can land a citizen in prison for 15 years, all in the name of “fighting terrorism.”

The Court’s ruling leaves it unclear whether publishing an op-ed or submitting an amicus brief in court arguing that a group does not belong on the list is a criminal act is prohibited. What is clear is that the Court’s decision is likely to cast a broad chill over political speech and the activities of humanitarian groups and journalists.

Interestingly, an editorial in the New York Times states that the FBI has threatened journalists with arrest for “material support”:

The case arose after an American human rights group, the Humanitarian Law Project, challenged the law prohibiting “material support” to terror groups, which was defined in the 2001 Patriot Act to include “expert advice or assistance.” The law project wanted to provide advice to two terrorist groups on how to peacefully resolve their disputes and work with the United Nations. The two groups – the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam and the Kurdistan Workers’ Party – have violent histories and their presence on the State Department’s official list of terrorist groups is not in dispute.

But though the law project was actually trying to reduce the violence of the two groups, the court’s opinion, written by Chief Justice John Roberts Jr. on behalf of five other justices, said that did not matter and ruled the project’s efforts illegal. Even peaceful assistance to a terror group can further terrorism, the chief justice wrote, in part by lending them legitimacy and allowing them to pretend to be negotiating while plotting violence. …

The court at least clarified that acts had to be coordinated with terror groups to be illegal, but many forms of assistance may still be a criminal act, including filing a brief against the government in a terror-group lawsuit. Academic researchers doing field work in conflict zones could be arrested for meeting with terror groups and discussing their research, as could journalists who write about the activities and motivations of these groups, or the journalists’ sources. The F.B.I. has questioned people it suspected as being sources for a New York Times article about terrorism, and threatened to arrest them for providing material support.

It seems unlikely that the government would be less aggressive in using the term “substantial support” than the term “material support” in an effort to pressure journalists and other citizens exercising their traditional first amendment rights.  It is also quite likely that the existence of this uncertainty regarding how this unclear wording will be applied will have a chilling effect on speech, which in turn will have an effect upon the independent information that the American public has available to it with which to evaluate the activities of the administration.  There is, of course, no way of telling how these legal uncertainties might be exploited by future administrations, as well.

This is what we tell developing countries about the importance of press freedom:

Access to information is essential to the health of

democracy for at least two reasons. First, it

ensures that citizens make responsible, informed

choices rather than acting out of ignorance or

misinformation. Second, information serves a

“checking function” by ensuring that elected

representatives uphold their oaths of office and

carry out the wishes of those who elected them.

Perhaps we should do a better job of living up to that ideal in “the homeland.”

 

2 comments

    • on 04/02/2012 at 13:32
      Author

    and taking appropriate action…

    • on 04/08/2012 at 22:30

     Glenn Greenwald today

    U.S. filmmaker repeatedly detained at border

    Glenn Greenwald

    Sunday, Apr 8, 2012 6:37 AM Eastern Daylight Time

    U.S. filmmaker repeatedly detained at border

    By Glenn Greenwald

    poitras

    One of the more extreme government abuses of the post-9/11 era targets U.S. citizens re-entering their own country, and it has received far too little attention. With no oversight or legal framework whatsoever, the Department of Homeland Security routinely singles out individuals who are suspected of no crimes, detains them and questions them at the airport, often for hours, when they return to the U.S. after an international trip, and then copies and even seizes their electronic devices (laptops, cameras, cellphones) and other papers (notebooks, journals, credit card receipts), forever storing their contents in government files. No search warrant is needed for any of this. No oversight exists. And there are no apparent constraints on what the U.S. Government can do with regard to whom it decides to target or why.

    In an age of international travel – where large numbers of citizens, especially those involved in sensitive journalism and activism, frequently travel outside the country – this power renders the protections of the Fourth Amendment entirely illusory. By virtue of that amendment, if the government wants to search and seize the papers and effects of someone on U.S. soil, it must (with some exceptions) first convince a court that there is probable cause to believe that the objects to be searched relate to criminal activity and a search warrant must be obtained. But now, none of those obstacles – ones at the very heart of the design of the Constitution – hinders the U.S. government: now, they can just wait until you leave the country, and then, at will, search, seize and copy all of your electronic files on your return. That includes your emails, the websites you’ve visited, the online conversations you’ve had, the identities of those with whom you’ve communicated, your cell phone contacts, your credit card receipts, film you’ve taken, drafts of documents you’re writing, and anything else that you store electronically: which, these days, when it comes to privacy, means basically everything of worth.

    This government abuse has received some recent attention in the context of WikiLeaks. Over the past couple of years, any American remotely associated with that group – or even those who have advocated on behalf of Bradley Manning – have been detained at the airport and had their laptops, cellphones and cameras seized: sometimes for months, sometimes forever. But this practice usually targets people having nothing to do with WikiLeaks.

    A 2011 FOIA request from the ACLU revealed that just in the 18-month period beginning October 1, 2008, more than 6,600 people – roughly half of whom were American citizens – were subjected to electronic device searches at the border by DHS, all without a search warrant. Typifying the target of these invasive searches is Pascal Abidor, a 26-year-old dual French-American citizen and an Islamic Studies Ph.D. student who was traveling from Montreal to New York on an Amtrak train in 2011 when he was stopped at the border, questioned by DHS agents, handcuffed, taken off the train and kept in a holding cell for several hours before being released without charges; those DHS agents seized his laptop and returned it 11 days later when, the ACLU explains, “there was evidence that many of his personal files, including research, photos and chats with his girlfriend, had been searched.” That’s just one case of thousands, all without any oversight, transparency, legal checks, or any demonstration of wrongdoing.

    * * * * *

    But the case of Laura Poitras, an Oscar-and Emmy-nominated filmmaker and intrepid journalist, is perhaps the most extreme. In 2004 and 2005, Poitras spent many months in Iraq filming a documentary that, as The New York Times put it in its review, “exposed the emotional toll of occupation on Iraqis and American soldiers alike.” The film, “My Country, My Country,” focused on a Sunni physician and 2005 candidate for the Iraqi Congress as he did things like protest the imprisonment of a 9-year-old boy by the U.S. military. At the time Poitras made this film, Iraqi Sunnis formed the core of the anti-American insurgency and she spent substantial time filming and reporting on the epicenter of that resistance. Poitras’ film was released in 2006 and nominated for the 2007 Academy Award for Best Documentary. [..]

    But Poitras’ work has been hampered, and continues to be hampered, by the constant harassment, invasive searches, and intimidation tactics to which she is routinely subjected whenever she re-enters her own country. Since the 2006 release of “My Country, My Country,” Poitras has left and re-entered the U.S. roughly 40 times. Virtually every time during that six-year-period that she has returned to the U.S., her plane has been met by DHS agents who stand at the airplane door or tarmac and inspect the passports of every de-planing passenger until they find her (on the handful of occasions where they did not meet her at the plane, agents were called when she arrived at immigration). Each time, they detain her, and then interrogate her at length about where she went and with whom she met or spoke. They have exhibited a particular interest in finding out for whom she works.

    She has had her laptop, camera and cellphone seized, and not returned for weeks, with the contents presumably copied. On several occasions, her reporter’s notebooks were seized and their contents copied, even as she objected that doing so would invade her journalist-source relationship. Her credit cards and receipts have been copied on numerous occasions. In many instances, DHS agents also detain and interrogate her in the foreign airport before her return, on one trip telling her that she would be barred from boarding her flight back home, only to let her board at the last minute. When she arrived at JFK Airport on Thanksgiving weekend of 2010, she was told by one DHS agent – after she asserted her privileges as a journalist to refuse to answer questions about the individuals with whom she met on her trip – that he “finds it very suspicious that you’re not willing to help your country by answering our questions.” They sometimes keep her detained for three to four hours (all while telling her that she will be released more quickly if she answers all their questions and consents to full searches).

    The article is long, Glenn if nothing else is thorough in his writing including all the links to back hos premise.  

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